Narrating Identity: the Employment of Mythological and Literary Narratives in Identity Formation Among the Hijras of India

This article explores how the hijras and kinnars of India use mythological narratives in identity-formation. In contemporary India, the hijras are a minority group who are ostracised from mainstream society as a result of their non-heteronormative gender performances and anatomical presentations. Hijras suffer discrimination and marginalisation in their daily lives, forming their own social groups outside of natal families and kinship structures. Mythological and literary narratives play a significant role in explaining and legitimising behavioural patterns, ritual practices, and anatomical forms that are specific to hijras , and alleviating some of the stigma surrounding this identity. In this article, I focus on certain narratives that hijras employ in making sense of and giving meaning to their lives, including mythological stories concerning people of ambiguous gender and myths associated with Bahuchara Mata. I argue that these ontological narratives serve to bring hijra identity into being and play a crucial role in constructing and authenticating hijra identity in modern India.

Religion and Gender vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), pp. 21- 39 23 in modern India. These narratives function to bring hijra identity into being and to legitimise and gain a measure of respect for this identity in contemporary society. In this way, hijras create an identity through narrative that justifies their place, bodies, and status in the world. Based upon research among hijra and kinnar groups in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat conducted in 2011, in this article I focus upon certain narratives that hijras employ in constructing a sense of a unique hijra identity in modern India. I argue that these narratives function ontologically, bringing hijra identity into being and authenticating such an identity, which is often perceived by mainstream society as 'deviant' and 'different', both sexually and socially. I begin this article by discussing the spaces that hijras occupy in the Indian context, in terms of gender performance and ritual role. I explore the variation that the identity category 'hijra' encompasses and what it is to belong to a hijra group, which entails, in the majority of cases, leaving one's natal family and a failure to fulfil heteronormative practices of marriage and procreation. Hijras' perceived deviancy in relation to normative gender roles explains the discrimination that they face in mainstream society. In the face of such ostracisation, hijras draw upon particular narratives, such as those provided through sacred texts and myths, in order to explain their unique identity and status. Through a theorisation of narratives as fulfilling an ontological function, which provide a measure of explanation and coherence to hijras' lives, I explore the role that such narratives have in identity formation among hijra subjects. I will reflect upon the ways narratives are employed in identity construction through a discussion of ethnographic encounters, considering the role of both narrators and audience. In particular, I focus upon narratives associated with ancient texts and sacred history, specifically looking at myths associated with Bahuchara Mata, the patron goddess of the hijras. These narratives are used in particular ways to construct what hijra identity is and to give meaning and explanation to hijras' lives.

Locating the Hijra Subject
The terms 'hijra' and 'kinnar' are used to describe people who embody a wide variety of anatomical forms and perform a diverse number of gender and sexual practices and orientations. Individuals might identify, or be identified, as transsexual, transgender, transvestite, homosexual, and asexual individuals, MSMs (males who have sex with males), intersex people, and eunuchs. Some hijras call themselves 'female', but others identify as 'hijra', 'kinnar', a 'third sex', or, more recently, 'transgender', particularly individuals involved in or with knowledge of contemporary LGBT politics, in tandem with current government initiatives to identify and rectify inequalities faced by the 'transgender community'. Many hijras perform stereotypically feminine gender roles in regards to dress, gendered behaviour, and speech patterns, 3 although others behave 'as men', but might wear cosmetics, jewellery, and keep their hair long, transgressing normative gender presentations. Often hijras adopt patterns of behaviour viewed as unacceptable for women, such as deliberately engaging with men and spending considerable time in public spaces. They inhabit spaces openly, often drawing attention to themselves with loud speech and hand gestures, including their unique hand clap, 'tālī', a 'cultural signifier' that circulates outside hijra communities to signify doubt about virility or homosexuality (Nair 2000: 50-1). Although their behaviour is seen as distinct from heternormative female and male gender roles, hijras tend to perceive themselves as distinctly male or female, depending on an individual's preferences. However, there is confusion as to their gender status in mainstream society. In the 2011 census, the Indian State identified hijras' gender as 'other', which only met the approval of some hijras. A 2014 Supreme Court verdict ruled that hijras should be recognised under a separate 'third gender' category. Hijras, despite performing a gender identity that shores up the normative categories of male and female, nonetheless are constrained through inhabiting a positionality that is fixed in relation to those categories. Kira Hall argues that hijras do not occupy a position 'outside the male-female binary', but instead 'have created an existence within it, one that is constrained by rigidly entrenched cultural constructions of femininity and masculinity ' (1995: 13). Hall explains that most hijras during her fieldwork saw themselves as 'deficiently' masculine and 'incompletely' feminine (ibid.: 31). During fieldwork in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, the majority of kinnars I encountered identified as female. This gender identification references Hall's statement regarding the formation of gender identity within an existing male-female binary. Although kinnars did not see themselves as 'deficiently' masculine or 'incompletely' feminine, they had a clear notion of what it meant to have and perform a specific gender, especially femininity, and emphasised particular gendered behaviours.
Despite the variability of 'hijra' identifications, hijras have been portrayed within academic literature as a 'third sex', an archetypal gender role that can be compared to various cross-cultural third sex groups (see Herdt 1994). Scholarship that portrays 'alternative' genders as plural and liberating (in relation to binary, heteronormative gender categorisation) is problematic, Hall notes, by leading to a 'false impression of the status allotted to these ambiguously sexed figures ' (1995: 30). This portrayal suggests that hijras might enjoy a position of relative privilege in society, contradicting their narratives of marginalisation. Gayatri Reddy adds that literature that heralds a 'third sex' can be critiqued for disregarding the anatomical, psychological, and behavioural differentiations among individuals, as well as ignoring how sexuality and sexual identity interact with other modes of difference, such as class, caste, region, location, and religion (2005). Hijras face discrimination in mainstream society based on the perception that their gender behaviour, sexual practices, and bodily forms are 'abnormal'. Moreover, by joining the hijra community, individuals are perceived as failing to fulfil conventional gender norms, such as marriage and bearing children.
Although the phrase 'hijra community' suggests a singular group, the term 'communities' might be more applicable given the regional and contextual differentiation between different groups across the Indian subcontinent. Households and communities are found throughout the country, due to the territorial division based on hijras' traditional ritual work of performing and giving blessings at weddings and birth ceremonies, known as badhāī. Each household Religion and Gender vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), pp. 21-39 25 contains a few to around twenty members, all of whom contribute to the daily running of the house. Individuals join groups in various ways: babies or children are often given to hijra groups; pre-pubescent adolescents might join upon realising they do not fill normative gender roles and facing familial rejection as to their sexual or gender preferences; others join as adults and even after marriage and rearing children. Individuals must be initiated by a guru as her celā (a disciple); in turn, they initiate their own celās. The guru-celā relationship dictates certain behaviour: the guru provides a home, food, clothes, opportunities for work, and teaches them about membership of the household and wider community. In return, the celā brings in extra income, performs chores, and helps to look after their guru. Joining a community allows hijras to form relationships of support and affection with one another, alongside providing security and protection from social violence, which many hijras experience due to the severance of ties with their natal families. Moreover, a sense of shared group identity is developed through membership of a community, through shared practices, rituals, and performances unique to hijras. Hijras claim ritual power through their ascetic practices and sexual purity, which produces creative or generative power. These ascetic practices are often more theoretical than practical but are necessary to legitimise their traditional blessing work. Although some hijras practice asceticism, others engage in sexual relationships with men or perform sex work, due to sexual desire, desire for a relationship, or economic necessity. Such practices also have a contextual aspect: many hijras who have sex live in metropolitan cities, though this does not mean that hijras in rural locations abstain from having sex. Moreover, hierarchical status can affect belief and practice. Higher status individuals tend to practice abstinence, or espouse discourses of asceticism, perhaps to set an example. One guru from a small city complained that younger hijras, especially from metropolitan cities, were acting in a way that was 'not of their culture' in regards to sexual customs. Their 'sexualised' behaviour was seen as unacceptable to elder hijras and hijras from rural areas. Evidently, there are elements of contradiction and tension between individuals, as an example here, in relation to sexual practices.
I have discussed various aspects of hijra identity to explain, in part, what it is to be a hijra and to belong to a hijra group in modern India. Hijras are commonly perceived as 'deviant' by mainstream society, due to their choice or inability to adhere to heternormative practices of marriage and procreation and remain within their natal families, coupled with their 'abnormal' status in terms of anatomy and/or gender and sexual practice. Thus, hijras suffer extreme discrimination, forming marginalised communities, who remain separate from mainstream social communities in terms of lives, experiences, and narratives. Narratives thus serve an important function in the formation of hijra identity, particularly those that counter mainstream viewpoints that posit hijra identity as 'deviant' and 'abnormal'. Hijras use narratives in innovative ways in order to explain and justify their status and ritual role in contemporary Indian society, despite such narratives performing a double role. The use of 'sacred' or 'ancient' narratives defends the legitimacy of hijra identity, at the same time as it serves to fix and sanction the importance of such narratives, which themselves might correspond to heteronormative and stereotypically gendered discourses, in the construction of hijra identity. Hijra identity might not necessarily be legitimated exclusively through the use of sacred and ancient narratives, given that such narratives themselves posit hijra identity in relation to heteronormative gender presentations, explaining away 'abnormality' or 'deviancy'. However, despite the limitations of such narratives, hijras do actively employ and interpret them in the construction of their identity, as a mode through which to explain and sanction their existence. Before embarking on a discussion of the narratives that negotiate and authorise hijras' unique sense of identity, a few theoretical considerations are necessary regarding the use of narrative in identity-formation.

Narrativity and Identity
The concept of 'narrative' can greatly aid a study of identity formation by taking into account the multiple narratives and identifications by which people frame their lives. I employ the theoretical approach advocated by Margaret R. Somers in her article 'The Narrative Constitution of Identity: A Relational and Network Approach ' (1994), who argues that studies of identity formation can be advanced through the concept of narrative, where narrative is no longer conceptualised as a representative mode but as a device that brings identity into being. Narrative here, as Somers theorises, is an 'ontological condition to social life', through which people define who they are and make sense of the world and their lives (p. 613). Somers states that: …stories guide action; that people construct identities (however multiple and changing) by locating themselves or being located within a repertoire of emplotted stories; that 'experience' is constituted through narratives; that people make sense of what has happened and is happening to them by attempting to assemble or in some way to integrate these happenings within one or more narratives; and that people are guided to act in certain ways, and not others, on the basis of the projections, expectations, and memories derived from a multiplicity but ultimately limited repertoire of available social, public, and cultural narratives.
(1994: 614) By listening to an individual's narrative account of their identity, which may change over time and in different circumstances, we specify our approach to identity by considering how an individual is constructed and reconstructed in the intersecting spaces between time and place and power, all of which are continually shifting. This avoids a rigid categorisation of identity and allows multiple identifications across a variety of narratives. Therefore, narratives are fundamentally ontological in the sense that they do not just represent social or historical knowledge but help individuals become themselves. By considering ontological narratives as the stories through which individuals define and construct their lives, we can better understand how individuals and groups form a sense of social being and understand things that happen. This is performed within the various ontological and public narratives in which individuals are situated, and these are mediated by various institutions and not by individual will, where different narratives prevail in different situations. Somers writes that individuals only understand their experiences through the stories that are used to account for events around them (1994: Religion and Gender vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), pp. 21-39 27 625): narrativity is thus a crucial marker of understanding in a world where things happen to people by converting the incomprehensible into coherent and understandable events. In addition, Hayden White argues for the value of narrativity in representing real events. He suggests that this value arises out of a desire to have events display 'the coherence, integrity, fullness, and closure of an image of life that is and can only be imaginary ' (1980: 27). Despite a desire for coherence and closure, identity -as presented through ontological narrativity -is not fixed. Rather, narrativity determines something that one 'becomes', where the individual is continually brought into being by the narrative itself. This mutability is necessary, given the multiple identifications made and variety of narratives one could assume, influenced by time, space, relational factors, and power constraints upon a given actor at a given time.
If use of narratives brings identity into being, it is important to consider how, and to what ends, hijras tell narratives about themselves, in response to mainstream discourses that maintain their marginalisation in society. White writes that narrative truth claims and the right to narrate are dependent upon a relationship to authority (ibid.: 25), but here we should note that it is hijras' lack of authority that makes their narratives crucial to their sense of identity. In a sense, hijras use their own narratives to produce a counter-discourse to the mainstream narrative, which portrays them as deviant subjects. This counternarrative seeks to alleviate their place in society and legitimise their actions. An overall narrative is performed in constructing their sense of identity, as much as it is for mainstream society. Thus the question of prospective audience also comes to be important when considering why hijras narrate, which includes both hijra groups themselves and non-hijras.

Employing Myths and Narratives
The narratives discussed below are those that I encountered during fieldwork in the states of Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, supplemented by discussion of narratives found in scholarship on hijra identity. Whilst scholarship on hijras contains important discussions of narratives that can be used in legitimating the hijra subject (including excellent work by Nanda 1999;Reddy 2005), in this article I seek to extend such work by reflecting upon the specific ways in which narratives are adapted and used. I do so through the discussion of ethnographic encounters from Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, including a consideration of ways in which such 'counter-narratives' are used in reaction to mainstream narratives and how they, in turn, are viewed by non-hijras who form part of the audience for whom such narratives are employed. The majority of my research examined kinnars' political participation in state democratic processes in Madhya Pradesh, particularly in the eastern part of the state. However, how kinnars construct a sense of identity -in relation to mainstream discourses focusing on their marginality -was key to my project, and various narratives were exchanged with me from which this article, focusing on identity and narrativity, was developed. I interviewed individuals and groups of kinnars from different households in various towns and cities in eastern and central Madhya Pradesh. My research in Gujarat was focused on Ahmedabad and Becharaji, the latter being the site where the only temple dedicated to the goddess Bahuchara Mata is located. Several kinnars live within or near the temple complex, serving as devotees to the goddess, an important household goddess in Gujarat (see Sheikh 2010). While unable to interview the kinnars in the temple, because their group leader was not present to give her permission, I interviewed lay devotees at the temple and in Becharaji, and interviewed kinnars from four groups in Ahmedabad. I found that narratives would change according to the individual telling each story and it was uncommon to hear a narrative being told in a similar way to another; however kinnar and hijra individuals primarily focused upon the status of mythological figures or sacred texts, using both individuals and texts in order to explore and explain kinnar subjectivity in modern Indian society. I have noted above that both listening and audience are important facets in the practice of the narrative constitution of identity and explore both in the discussion of myth that follows. When most myths and narratives were told to me, kinnars did not tell whole stories or link different versions of the same myth, instead working on the assumption that these are established stories, drawing upon a stock of myths which kinnars believe are well known. Thus, tellings varied according to different narrators. Moreover, the veracity of myths or accuracy of recording the words of a text were not stressed; instead, individuals preferred to tell stories in their own way and emphasise particularities that they (as individuals) saw as important. In some cases, there were no primary texts or sources to which kinnars referred, since many are oral myths which form part of a cultural canon. 4 In fact, a lack of textual sources regarding the narratives employed by kinnars thus bolsters an argument focused on the importance of oral narrative traditions for this particular social group, which may be explained, to an extent, by the low literacy levels found among kinnars. With this in mind, I want to emphasise that it is how and why narratives are used that is the focus of the discussion here, rather than attesting to the veracity with which kinnars use specific sources. In most interviews, kinnars did not reference texts, more than the mere mention of the name for emphasis, for example, by saying, 'it is a story in the Mahābhārata', without expanding further upon where the story is found or what the text states. Kinnars did not seem to be interested in recounting myths or texts precisely, which will become clear in the discussion that follows. Rather, 4 'Original' sources to which hijras and non-hijras might -but not necessarily -refer to include the Mahābhārata, the Kāma Sūtra, the Manusmr . ti, and the Śatapatha Brāhman . a, as a means through which to establish hijras' gender. For example, a court judgment which attempted to establish the gender of a particular hijra quoted from the above texts and 'other historical sources' (Narrain 2009: 460), drawing upon a diachronic body of relevant narratives through which a sense of hijras' gender could be conceptualised. Below, I consider how hijras might reference such texts, including the Śatapatha Brāhman . a (among others that might discuss gender ambiguity but are not employed) but in specific ways that do not place importance on detailed knowledge of the texts themselves, rather than trading in on the cultural capital that the names of such texts invoke. Several scholars have focused on the importance of textual narratives in establishing ambiguous gender identity (including Goldman 1993; Doniger 1999) but here I intend to consider the role that narrativity and oral traditions play in identity construction as these are more directly relevant to the focus of my discussion in this article.
Religion and Gender vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), pp. 21-39 29 kinnars, in the process of telling these stories, affirmed their identities to me as a researcher, people listening to the interviews, and themselves as kinnars.
Moreover, kinnars wanted their tellings recorded, by tape recorder or written down, in order to reach a wider audience. I interpret these practices as part of the way in which hijras are taking part in their identity formation, based on how hijras themselves tell -and understand why they tell -these stories.

Ancient Texts and Sacred History
References to individuals with varying gender presentations occur throughout Indian narrative traditions, alluding to the existence of 'hijras' throughout India's past, although the term 'hijra' is often not used specifically in these texts or myths. Literary texts tend to reference individuals of ambiguous gender, including 'unmales', 'eunuchs' or 'klibas' (perhaps from the adjective 'klīv', 'impotent'); a third -and fourth -gender referred to as 'napum . sak'; those of a 'third sex', tritīya prakr . ti; and people who might be categorised as 'transvestites', 'transgender', and those who undergo 'transsexual' transformations. These terms are not interchangeable and are problematic for failing adequately to include variations of materiality, sexual object choices, and sexual roles. 5 A further example of individuals of ambiguous gender in Indian history is the eunuchs of Islamic courtly traditions. Scholars have focused on their roles as political advisors, administrators, and harem guardians (see Ayalon 1999;Scholtz 2001); the privilege enjoyed by these eunuchs suggests that hijras might be granted a form of historical legitimacy insofar as they can identify with 'Islamic' eunuchs, who enjoyed positions of power and prestige. Evidently there is a measure of respect in India for hijra identity based upon these historical and mythological figures. As a social group who are viewed as marginal because of their sexual and social status, hijras strive to maintain an association with the gender variant individuals of history and literature. By maintaining that they enjoyed a position of privilege 'in the past' or 'in history', hijras make a comparison with their relatively low respect in modern society. By linking themselves to historical individuals, who enjoyed higher social status, hijras sanction their own identity as ambiguously gendered individuals. Moreover, hijras tended to name particular historical figures who served important mythological or historical purposes, in order to derive legitimacy from such narratives which stressed the prominent role these individuals played in sacred history. Using narratives and developing an association with historical figures is an ongoing 'mythmaking' process, as hijras claim non-biogenetic descent from such individuals to explain and authorise their unique bodily form, their 'role' in society, and their ability to bless or curse. These narratives establish group identity and allow hijras a way in which to define, explore, and accept their non-normative gender status. It is thus crucial to consider the narratives that hijras tell, which include representations of people 'of a third nature' (tritīya prakr . ti) in ancient texts, myths about figures from literature and mythology (such as Arjuna as Br . hannadā, Ambā/Śikhan . d . in, and Lord Rāma's blessing), and myths associated with Bahuchara Mata, the patron goddess of the hijras.
Hijras and kinnars often emphasise that their gender presentation is sanctioned through 'ancient texts and myths', referencing texts to which they did not specifically point or name. A lack of specific naming might point to the fact that hijras are unaware of such literature, or that they place emphasis on the possibility for ambiguity which is present in such references, rather than recalling the text accurately. References to ambiguous gender in texts such as the Śatapatha Brāhman . a confirms the existence of individuals who do not fit into 'male' or 'female' categories; it is the very fact that such beings are included in these ancient and sacred texts that hijras refer to, as an identity that in some way has been sanctioned in ancient history by being referenced and worthy of study. The Śatapatha Brāhman . a is thus an example of the sort of text to which hijras refer, despite not knowing the specifics of this particular text.
The Śatapatha Brāhman . a contains one of the earliest literary references to grammatical gender (roughly 8th to 6th century B.C.E). Leonard Zwilling and Michael Sweet analyse the text's discussion of three grammatical genders, as 'pumlinga' (masculine), 'strilinga' (feminine), and 'napumsakalinga' (neuter), although they note that applying the neutral gender to humans is problematic. 6 'Napumsaka' (literally 'not being a male') is taken to mean the possession of characteristics of both sexes but is ambiguous, referring to males who did not conform to gender-role expectations, including those who were impotent, effeminate, or transvestite (1996: 372, 362). 'Napumsaka', taken as the term for the third grammatical gender, assumes that the 'unmale' is the true third sex, but by the beginning of the Common Era, Zwilling and Sweet argue that among schools of traditional medicine, a term actually translated as 'third sex' was introduced', 'tritiya prakriti ' (1996: 362-3). By the 4th century, this term was used as an equivalent for napumsaka, although it is unclear whether it refers to defective males, a recognised 'third sex', or a variation of gender identity. Zwilling and Sweet posit that that the 'third sex' term refers to 'feminised males' or transvestites, who are distinct from women (2000: 112). They explicitly link ancient 'third sex' identity and the modern-day hijras, who they call 'contemporary representatives' of the ancient third sex (1996: 363). Maintaining such an association between ancient and modern identities is therefore significant to contemporary hijras in order to authorise a modern identity that has its conceptual origins in antiquity.
In my interviews, hijras did not reference texts such as the Śatapatha Brāhman . a, perhaps remaining unaware of such literature. However, hijras did refer to what they called 'ancient texts', saying that references to 'hijras' existed in these texts, claiming that their identity was one that was both ancient and verified through 'textual references' to such an identity. Such references, in texts such as the Śatapatha Brāhman . a, points to individuals of an ambiguous gender status who existed in the past, and who were referenced in ancient and sacred texts. This discussion therefore points to an example of the sort of texts hijras refer to, despite not recalling the text's specifics. Thus, it is general, rather than specific, knowledge to which hijras primarily refer, drawing upon a cultural canon to which such concepts belong. There was no importance placed on what actual texts narratives or concepts came from; hijras did not seem to be concerned that they could not name particular references, but rather, emphasis was placed on the notion that references existed, even if no-one knew what those references were. Unfamiliarity with ancient textual sources might not be uncommon for a group which is, on the whole, relatively illiterate, due to many hijras failing to complete formal education. It was, however, much more common for hijras to reference by name specific individuals who were famous for their ambiguous gender, or those who had played a prominent role in sacred history. These myths are part of a greater theme in ancient Hindu sources concerned with sexual ambiguity, transvestism, and sex and gender transsexualism (see Goldman 1993;Doniger 1999). The regional location of hijras might determine the centrality of particular narratives. In Tamil Nadu, for example, a myth concerned with Aravān . , who married Vis . n . u in an incarnation of the maiden Mohinī, has particular importance, due to the annual festival at Koovagam. At the festival, tirunan . kais give themselves in marriage to Aravān . and mourn his death, as widows, on the following day. The myth thus maintains a central role in the construction of hijra identity in this state (see Hiltebeitel 1995;Craddock 2012). In Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, hijras interviewed drew upon three myths in particular: Arjuna as the 'eunuch' Br . hannadā; the story of Ambā/Śikhan . d . in; and Lord Rāma's blessing upon his return from exile. The first two myths are concerned with the gender ambiguity of two individuals who are significant in mythology more generally. In the myth of Br . hannadā, Arjuna, one of the Pān . d . ava heroes of the Mahābhārata, spends a year at King Virāta's court, disguised as a 'eunuch', during the Pān . d . ava brothers' thirteenth year of exile. The brothers assume disguises: Arjuna is 'transformed' as a punishment due to his previous spurning of the nymph Urvaśī. Andrea Custodi notes that it is unclear whether he undergoes a physiological transformation or is just 'cross-dressing', but this transformation indicates the disguise's convincingness, as well as affirming the hero's masculinity (2007: 211-2). The story never confirms his gender in this disguise, but his transformation into a 'eunuch' allows hijras to identify with Arjuna, and in so doing, project their own identities onto one of the greatest warriors and virtuous individuals in Sanskrit epic poetry. Hijras referred to his ambiguous gender status, by means of explaining the fact of their own gender ambiguity, as well as pointing to the great virtue and heroic nature of his character. Arjuna is a noble hero, who plays an essential role in sacred history; association with this figure therefore reflects well upon hijras, if they too can demonstrate that they have similar characteristics. Hijras referred to Arjuna as an example of a virtuous character who had attained gender ambiguity, but his temporary status is not reflective of their permanent embodiment. However, allusion to a connection with Arjuna serves to gain a measure of respect for gender liminality, here mirrored in the figure of the hijra. Hijras also refer to Ambā/Śikhan . d . in, a female character in the Mahābhārata who attains physical and psychological masculinity through rebirth in order to aid Arjuna in killing Bhīs . ma, 7 the forefather of the Pān . d . avas and Kauravas (van Buitenen 1978: 493, 532;Doniger 1999: 281-3). After being abducted by Bhīs . ma, Ambā curses him and is promised by the god Śiva that she will be reborn as a man. She is reborn as Śikhan . d . in, 'a male child who is a female', 8 and plays a crucial role in aiding the Pān . d . avas to kill Bhīs . ma, since he had resolved not to shoot at anyone who was 'made of a woman', a 'former' woman, or one who appeared to be a woman. Whilst Śikhan . d . in's female-to-male transformation does not fit the model of hijras' usually male-to-'female' transformations, this story is significant insofar as it highlights the role played by the 'ambiguous' Ambā/Śikhan . d . in in one of India's most revered epics. Śikhan . d . in is important in providing an example of the role that someone of ambiguous gender might play, and also embodies characteristics with which hijras, as a stigmatised group, might wish to associate. Śikhan . d . in is a well-known character from the epic: hijras would cite his name as someone who had played a prominent role in sacred history, perhaps suggesting that hijras too can be important figures if they were given a chance. However, when I asked nonhijras about Śikhan . d . in, a common reaction was to laugh, dismissing it as 'only a story'. Therefore, despite the possibility that Śikhan . d . in might provide for hijras, other non-hijras were quick to reject this narrative and its potential for hijras.
A third myth concerns Lord Rāma and is told by hijras to justify their position in society and allude to possible rewards for their suffering. Hijras in Madhya Pradesh particularly referenced this narrative, which was said by many (hijras and non-hijras) to be associated with the Rāmāyan . a, although it does not appear in the text. In the myth, Lord Rāma returns from exile and finds those who are 'neither man nor woman' waiting on the banks of the river, from which he had left the city of Ayodhya to go into exile, fourteen years previously. When he left the city, he told the 'men and women' to go home, but these individuals, being neither, remained there. As a result, Rāma is touched by their devotion and he blesses them, saying they will rule the world in the 'future' (see Reddy 2003: 190). The future is given as the age of Kaliyuga, the last of four world ages that comprise a cyclical schema of time.
I found that this was the most popular myth told in Madhya Pradesh concerning kinnar identity, particularly in relation to the success of kinnars in local democratic elections in this particular state (seven kinnars were elected in local and state elections between 1998 and 2010, for example, as town councillors or mayors). When narrated, the word 'hijra' was always used to refer to these individuals who were not men or women, who waited on the riverbanks. The myth is used to explain the phenomena of kinnar 'politicians' and the success of their elections, as both the reason for why they amassed popular support (in an explanatory sense), as well as providing a deterministic reason for their success. One kinnar politician, when asked about her success, said 'Rāma blessed us', using the narrative to explain her remarkable but unlikely victory, given her position of relative marginality, with little formal education and no prior political experience. Similarly, as an exploration of various ways in which the same narrative might be employed, a local journalist laughed when I asked about the importance of this myth in explaining kinnars' electoral victories. I explained that a young man working in one of the municipal corporations had given this myth as the reason why kinnars had won elections, saying it was 'because of this story' that they had been elected. The journalist mocked this interpretation, saying it was 'only a mythological story'. He qualified this by saying: 'this is a public saying, like a joke'. In this example, the multiple functions of a particular narrative are highlighted by those who use and react to it: as a way to discredit electoral success, by the journalist; as an explanation for kinnars' victories, by the young man; and to attest to kinnars' special relationship with Rāma and his blessings for the group, by the kinnar herself. Moreover, in the kinnar's employment of this narrative, she emphasises kinnars' devotion to Rāma and his specific blessing upon them and uses the myth to project her own hope for better treatment, success, and blessings in the future, which has started with the electoral victory.
Each of these narratives serves as an example of the sort of mythological narratives used by hijras in the construction of their identity. By referring to individuals of an ambiguous gender status, temporarily or constantly, or to Rāma, who had a special relationship with the gender ambiguous individuals of the past, hijras point to the existence of gender variant individuals in ancient times and within sacred texts and claim an authentic identity that has existed throughout history. Moreover, by claiming association with significant individuals in history and mythology (Arjuna, Ambā/Śikhan . d . in, and Rāma) hijras make a claim regarding their nature and character, perhaps in an attempt to challenge some of the derogatory, contemporary stereotypes. The story of Rāma's blessing is employed to ameliorate some of the inequitable treatment they face in modern society, by alluding to rewards in the future. It also speaks to the devotion and loyalty of the community. By claiming this connection, hijras project an image of how they want themselves to be seen, as individuals who have existed throughout history, but who are also important within sacred history for their actions.

Fertility, Curses, and the Goddess
A further group of myths utilised by hijras in identity formation are those associated with the goddess Bahuchara Mata. This goddess is worshipped by hijras as their protector and spiritual guide. One kinnar noted that 'a kinnar becomes a kinnar because of her blessings', describing the strong link between the goddess and the hijra community. This same kinnar said that kinnars believe they should not forget the Mata, and if so, then 'anything bad could happen'. Bahuchara serves as a protector for kinnars and is worshipped by many hijras, regardless of their individual religious identifications, 9 particularly due to her association with transgenderism. Bahuchara is also an important household goddess in Gujarat and is worshipped for her ability to give blessings associated with fertility to 9 Although beyond the scope of this article, hijras' religious practices are amalgamative: they tend to identify as Muslim or Hindu in the context of Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, although they simultaneously performed practices and rituals that could be associated with both traditions. For discussion of religious practices, see Preston 1987;Reddy 2005, Chapter 5. newlyweds and childless couples. There are a variety of myths linking Bahuchara Mata with the hijras. Hall notes that these myths are significant in recognising how, to a certain degree, the respect paid to hijras is dependent upon that paid to the goddess herself (1995: 114-5). As the principal goddess with whom the hijras associate, these myths are essential for constructing hijras' sense of identity and explaining aspects of their lives, including anatomical form, devotion to the goddess, and their ritual power and ability to give blessings.
Hijras employ multiple myths about Bahuchara, but tend to identify certain narratives as being key to understanding hijra identity, including explaining Bahuchara's gender transformations, ability to curse, and special connection to the hijras. At the same time, I found that other hijras interviewed did not know any particular myths about the goddess, particularly in Madhya Pradesh. One kinnar, who took the time to show me her framed portrait of the Mata, could not identify why she was important to kinnars. When asked why she was a special goddess and about kinnars' relationship with her, she replied that she did not know about Bahuchara's qualities, but only knew that they worship her and she protects them. She could not recount any stories or myths (or perhaps, did not wish to share any), but noted that kinnars are fully devoted to her. In contrast, many kinnars in Gujarat shared long and elaborate stories about her, particularly focusing on her spiritual power as the reason for her transgenderism. Bahuchara's popularity within Gujarat might provide a reason for the common knowledge of her myths in the state, compared to the relative lack of knowledge of her myths among kinnars in Madhya Pradesh. Her popularity in Gujarat also ensures that her myths are well known among non-hijras in the state, since many worship her as a household goddess.
Bahuchara's 'transgenderism' remains a key reason for her significance to kinnars. The origin of her worship emphasises her spiritual power and ability to change bodily form. Multiple versions were narrated by both kinnars in private interviews and by non-kinnars at the temple complex at Becharaji. A common version of the myth begins when the maiden Bahuchara is passing through the forest in Gujarat. Thieves attack Bahuchara and to ensure that they do not rape her, she cuts off her breasts. This act secures her deification for her virtue and purity. In another variation, the thieves rape her and she curses them: the thieves then realise she has turned them into hijras. In a further version, Bahuchara is a powerful man or prince. When threatened by thieves, he transforms himself into a woman through his 'spiritual power'. The thieves try to rape her and in her defence she cuts off her breasts so she no longer appears feminine, saying 'I am no longer a woman nor a man'. This act fails to stop them, so she prays to the god Vishnu to give her a hiding place. The earth splits open and she jumps inside. She curses the thieves and they become hijras.
Pictures at the temple at Becharaji portray Bahuchara in various gendered forms. The most common image shows the goddess in the centre, sitting upon a cockerel (her vehicle), but smaller images in the picture depict Bahuchara as a noble man or prince riding a horse, near a palace wall (top right), as a beautiful maiden among a group of women (bottom left), and as a meditating figure, near a shrine (top left). Her ability to change her original bodily state is of significance to hijras, as individuals who transcend their own bodily state. The ability for the goddess to transform reflects their own desire and ability to transform. Moreover, Bahuchara is said to have transformed through her 'spiritual purity' and hijras can gain from using this rhetoric of 'spiritual power' to explain their transformations and stress their own spirituality. One influential guru narrated that Bahuchara was important to kinnars because she had first been a lady, who had become a man 'through her spiritual power', who then finally became a kinnar, emphasising the spiritual power which enabled her gender transformation.
Another significant aspect of these stories is that Bahuchara's creation of hijras is seen as a 'curse': a price to be paid for harming Bahuchara Mata. In fact, hijras narrate that Bahuchara created the very first hijra, and the following myth explains their devotion to the goddess: a prince is forced to marry the goddess Bahuchara, but he does not desire a wife and children, believing himself to be neither a man nor a woman. The goddess curses him for ruining her life and cuts off his genitals, saying that he, and others like him, will require the removal of their genitals in order to be reborn. 10 This nirvan (literally 'rebirth') operation is theoretically obligatory for those who enter the hijra community, even today. Serena Nanda notes that 'the practice of self-mutilation (that is, castration) and sexual abstinence by her devotees [is] to secure her favour ' (1999: 25). Initiates must sacrifice themselves to the goddess through the dangerous operation; often devotees believe that one cannot become a hijra without the goddess' blessing. Nanda writes that hijras will only undergo the emasculation operation if they have signs that the goddess is 'ready' to help them, including a 'smile' from a picture of the goddess and a coconut breaking in half evenly (ibid.: 25-6, 33). Reddy states that it is imperative to ask for the goddess' blessings, especially if she did not 'call you' for the operation (2005: 108).
The goddess' ability to curse men and make them hijras speaks to her powerful control over fertility and sexuality. As above, Hall writes that there is a link, to a certain degree, between the respect paid to hijras and the respect paid towards Bahuchara Mata. By associating themselves with the goddess, hijras confirm their own 'powers'. As the Mata can curse individuals, so too can hijras claim to curse those who have wronged them, by channelling the goddess' power and creating new hijras. This claim is significant since it legitimises their badhāī work at weddings and birth ceremonies by giving or denying their blessings for fertility. People who receive them into their homes try to keep them happy with the 'price' they pay for such blessings. A couple in Madhya Pradesh recently had a baby girl and some weeks after her birth, the hijras came to their house to give their blessings. The father, said that he had to meet what he saw as 'an extortionate demand' in paying for these blessings. He told me about the negotiation involved over the amount. Explaining his lack of salary, based upon his work as a freelance journalist, he said that he had to pay 5000 Rupees, a sari, and several kilos of rice, because 'it is important to keep the hijras happy'. Although Sanjay himself claimed not to believe that hijras had the power to control fertility, he nonetheless paid them for the blessing, performing a role within a cultural context in which hijra blessings are given, legitimated by their 10 The themes of revenge and reverence to the goddess coincide with general ideas in 'mother-goddess worship', where the mother-goddess figure expresses notions of power, autonomy, and primacy; see Ganesh 1990. The concepts of reverence and submission are illustrated in a variety of goddess myths, for example, the cursing of Arjuna by Urvaśī; see Goldman 1993;Doniger 1999;Pattanaik 2002. connection to the goddess Bahuchara and maintained through narratives that reiterate their own power.
Two points should be discussed: the conception of hijra identity as a 'curse', as well as the potential for Bahuchara and the hijras to have control over others' fertility. Evidently the conception of hijra identity as a 'curse' can be seen as derogatory, in the sense that if hijra identity is read as a curse or punishment, it could justify their inequitable treatment in society and explain the fear and prejudice that surrounds the group. Some hijras themselves believe this identity 'curse' explains their exceptionally low social status and lamented their social status and ostracisation. Conversely, the ability to curse as a by-product of hijra identity might provide relief from the belief that hijra identity is a curse, where individuals channel the goddess' own power to punish those who act improperly towards them with the curse of hijra identity. The power to curse encourages people not to upset hijras, giving them a small measure of power in dealings with people who treat them improperly. Their potential to grant or remove fertility gives hijras a unique ritual role in and a form of power over society, which is negotiated through the use of narratives that maintain and legitimate their ritual practices. Evidently, narratives concerning the goddess perform an important function for hijras in constructing a sense of identity in modern India, as a mode through which they might make sense of an identity that can be read as a curse. At the same time, these narratives posit hijra identity as that which must be made sense of in relation to heteronormative gender roles and religious norms, such that despite providing a measure of relief for hijras in explaining their ritual role and anatomical forms, such narratives still posit hijra identity as a curse to be borne for harming the goddess.

Narrating Hijra Identities
It is evident that gender identity, or indeed any identity, may not necessarily be constructed through 'sacred' or ancient texts and narratives, given that such narratives, at least in the case of the hijras, perform a double function in both sanctioning, and solidifying, a particular identity that can remain ostracised and deviant from heteronormative gender roles. Yet, such narratives do function to explain hijra identity in modern India, as well as sanction their ritual practices and anatomical form, establishing the role of narrativity in the construction of contemporary hijra identity. Myths and narratives thus do not appear as apolitical, timeless stories, but serve a real and necessary function as a type of ontological narrative, which bring identity into being and can cope with different challenges depending on the need of the group or individuals. In the hijras' case, these narratives serve multiple functions, from sanctioning their ritual behaviour to explaining their unique gender. This is done through constant retelling in contemporary arenas, which in turn secures their meaning and influence. Narratives thereby come to be instruments of self-definition and identity transfer, bringing hijra identity into being (in line with the concept of ontological narrative) and providing other identifications to which hijras aspire. They are significant to defining identity, but also indicate the ongoing nature of this process and its dependence upon external factors, that affect how and why certain identifications may be preferential at different times.
Religion and Gender vol. 4, no. 1 (2014), pp. 21-39 37 The narratives discussed above are significant in exploring how hijra identity is negotiated and defined in modern India. For this marginalised group, separated from mainstream society due to societal perceptions of their 'abnormal' gender practices, narratives that link them to important historical individuals or deities help hijras construct a sense of identity that is, crucially, not reliant on mainstream narratives. Hijras' narratives provide a way to challenge how they are viewed in mainstream society by alluding to qualities or virtues that they might and can exhibit. These narratives define and explain community practices, ritual power, and anatomical form in a way that is not demonstrated by mainstream narratives about the hijras. Thus, hijras clearly contest how hijra subjectivity is perceived in contemporary discourses and this is crucial in light of the discrimination that hijras face on a daily basis. These myths describe the beliefs that members of the community hold about themselves and are propagated in order to explain their place in Indian society.
There is much at stake in the construction of group identity by a subordinate community who are actively seeking to authorise their identity and social role, as well as alleviate their place in society. Myths are therefore part of an ongoing narrative process. As Russell T. McCutcheon writes about the use of 'myth': Let us entertain the possibility that myths are not things akin to nouns, but active processes akin to verbs…[we can then] suggest (1) that myths are not special (or 'sacred') but ordinary human means of fashioning and authorizing their lived-in and believed-in 'worlds,' (2) that myth as an ordinary rhetorical device in social construction and maintenance makes this rather than that social identity possible in the first place and (3) that a people's use of the label 'myth' reflects, expresses, explores, and legitimizes their own self-image. (2000: 200) Myth here is interpreted as an active rhetorical device, employed to explore, construct, and legitimate specific self-images and actions. This interpretation is useful for considering how hijras attempt to negotiate and authorise their social identity, by taking part in an activity that gives their lives and experiences meaning and explanation. McCutcheon writes that people 'actively work to selectively make' some things true and meaningful (ibid.: 201-2); this is certainly the case when hijras construct their identities through a variety of narratives to explain who they are and why they behave in a certain way. By fashioning certain aspects of their identity as 'sacred' and 'sanctioned', hijras explicitly create a meaningful and intelligible identity. Through narratives, hijras define, make sense of, and give coherence to their lives and their experience of the world. Moreover, such narratives allow for the multiplicity in individual's lives, by explaining various and sometimes conflicting aspects, such as hijras' ritual powers and their social marginalisation.
I have argued that the narratives discussed above perform three roles, in allowing hijras to construct and maintain a sense of a specific hijra identity and define key community attributes. First, certain narratives allude to a longstanding tradition of gender ambiguity to which hijras claim to belong. These references to gender ambiguous individuals help to sanction an identity that is marginalised in contemporary mainstream society due to their position in sacred and ancient texts. These references help to authorise hijras' 'non-normative' position in terms of gender performance and embodied status. Second, these narratives explain 'who' the hijras are. They are instruments of 'self-definition', especially in creating ways for hijras to make sense of their 'non-normative' bodily experience and challenge some of the mainstream narratives that proclaim their 'abnormality'. In so doing, hijras claim power over their bodies by explaining their transgender transformation as an act of reverence to the goddess and by explaining how their 'abnormal' gender serves their ritual function. This is important in contemporary society where hijras are seen as socially marginalised and sexually deviant. These self-defining narratives also explain their devotion and service to Bahuchara, how their community was formed, why they perform traditional badhāī work, and how this behaviour has been sanctioned. In the face of daily marginalisation, these myths give meaning to, legitimise, and, to a degree, elevate their practices and beliefs. Although hijra identity is seen as a curse, these narratives also portray it as a powerful and unique identity through the potential to bless or curse and serve the goddess.
Third, these narratives function as vessels for projection, or of 'identity-transfer'. By stressing their connection to virtuous or brave individuals, hijras claim to embody the characteristics these individuals display. This is done to challenge and refuse some of the pejorative stereotypes held about them. By stressing purity, demonstrated by Bahuchara, or virtue, as Arjuna, or their devotion, as they gave to Lord Rāma, hijras choose and project certain characteristics and qualities to counteract the way in which they are seen, actively working to improve how others see the hijras.
As Margaret Somers writes, it 'is through narrativity that we come to know, understand, and make sense of the social world, and it is through narratives and narrativity that we constitute our social identities ' (1994: 606). Within and through retelling these narratives, hijras reflect and negotiate their own selfimage. It is therefore important to consider how the use of these narratives and the mythmaking activity that hijras undertake allows them to state their significance and place within society and to demonstrate how crucial this activity is in constructing and maintaining their identity and world-view.